Two interesting academic papers that you may like read ...
First, up Professor Briffault (who taught me US campaign finance law at Columbia) on gerrymandering:
Briffault, Richard , "Defining the Constitutional Question in Partisan Gerrymandering" . Cornell Journal of Law and Public Policy, Vol. 14, p. 397, 2005 Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=943446
Abstract: In Vieth v. Jubelirer, a narrow majority of the Supreme Court determined that, at least for the moment, partisan gerrymandering is nonjusticiable. Yet, strikingly, all nine members of the Court also agreed that, justiciable or not, partisan gerrymanders raise a constitutional question, and some gerrymanders are unconstitutional. However, the Court gave little attention to just why gerrymandering might be unconstitutional.
The justices bounced back and forth between justiciability and the standards for proving gerrymandering without considering what constitutional harm gerrymandering poses.
This Article considers the question of why partisan gerrymandering might be unconstitutional. It finds four constitutional arguments against gerrymandering in judicial opinions and the academic literature: (i) vote dilution in violation of the equal protection clause; (ii) burdening of political association in violation of the first amendment; (iii) frustration of the competitiveness necessary for democratic elections; and (iv) excessive pursuit of partisan or individual legislator self-interest.
The Article contends that the first three arguments are likely to fail, in part because the theories they rely on are ultimately in tension with the use of districting to elect legislators. The fourth argument comes closest to capturing the constitutional harm posed by gerrymandering while remaining consistent with the use of districting. Of course, the fourth argument implicates the manageability concern that gives force to the argument against justiciability. Yet, the experience with Shaw v. Reno claims alleging excessive use of race in districting, suggests that the excessive partisanship/self-interest theory of partisan gerrymandering may also be judicially manageable - if the Court concludes that the harm posed by gerrymandering is serious enough to justify judicial intervention.
And next, Timothy Zick looks at privacy and wireless public spaces in this cleverly titled paper:
Zick, Timothy, "Clouds, Cameras, and Computers: The First Amendment and Networked Public Places" . Florida Law Review, Vol. 59, p. 1, 2007 Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=956160
Abstract: Public places are becoming highly networked environments. Municipalities are draping wireless clouds over vast public spaces, facilitating always-on internet connectivity. Surveillance cameras are now a pervasive presence in many public places. The people who gather in public and use public spaces are wearing and carrying ever more sophisticated computing devices. An integrated grid of networked connectivity is being built into traditional bricks-and-mortar public places. This Article examines the First Amendment implications of the progression toward networked public places. Wireless clouds will raise substantial property, public forum, and privacy issues. The networking of public places will also challenge traditional notions of public versus private expression. As Web access becomes ubiquitous and expression increasingly mobile, public citizens will be more captive to expression than ever before. New forms of virtual harassment, stalking, and other potentially harmful expression will appear. Public protests will also be affected by the networking of public places. Spontaneous gatherings will be made easier; but so too will official and unofficial surveillance of public protests and displays. Speaker and group identity - and perhaps eventually even speakers' thoughts - may be discovered, undermining protection for expressive anonymity. Finally, an army of citizen-journalists will roam public places, reporting on events from the field and posting content on the Web in real time. These citizen-journalists may seek to claim the mantle of the press. As serious as these issues are, the author argues that the stakes are actually much higher. Drawing upon scholarship in urban geography and sociology, the Article shows how public spatial networking will affect the critical identity, participation, and transparency functions of public places. It will influence who speaks, where they may communicate, and what they will say. It will render speakers more knowable to authorities, but in many cases less knowable to one another. People will increasingly interact with devices in public, rather than with one another. Speech regulation will be less transparent. The Article concludes with some modest proposals for resisting, or at least neutralizing, the negative First Amendment effects associated with spatial networking.